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James Meeks Suportts Publick Skools

Supporting more money for the Chicago Public Schools (CPS) is not the same thing as being a supporter of public education.

This distinction is lost on both the media and our political class as witnessed by PR stunts like the one pulled by Illinois State Senator James Meeks yesterday.

Meeks wants to bus Chicago public school students up to New Trier High School in Winnetka on the first day of school to protest the disparity in funding levels.

While it may be that per pupil expenditures for the Chicago Public Schools (roughly $11,000 per student) exceed the national average, exceed the state average and exceed the averages of each of the collar counties in the metropolitan region, Meeks believes that because another district is spending more then, by definition, Chicago is not spending enough.

Senator Jimmy One Note has conveniently chosen not to address the districts that spend considerably less for considerably better results and the Chicago media are polite enough not to press him on this matter.

Meeks has also been spared having to explicate how only 6% of Chicago public school students will go on to earn a bachelor's degree by the age of 25. That appalling result comes with a $4.6 billion annual price tag.

While Meeks is busing kids up to Winnetka to protest, perhaps a delegation of ordinary Illinois taxpayers should be bused down to Meeks' district office to protest the squandering of our money.

In fact, there is no amount of money that can fundamentally change the performance of the Chicago Public Schools unless the money is tied to structural changes.

But Meeks and the CPS brass already know this. A 2006-2007 internal CPS report found that charter schools within the Chicago public school system outperformed their relative neighborhood schools on 84% of student performance measures. The problem is that only 4% of Chicago public school students have the opportunity to attend those charter schools.

So it is with an unintentional tinge of irony when Meeks observes, "I am happy for the children who have an opportunity to experience New Trier on a daily basis. Shouldn't all children have the same opportunity?"

Shouldn't they indeed, Senator. And yet, the paradox of speaking the language of opportunity which is intrinsically born out of competition while defending an ineffectual monopoly is lost on Meeks.

The opportunity he seeks, that we all seek, for Chicago public school students will only be realized through choice in education.

Watching Meeks conjures up the memory of Mikhail Gorbachev as the Soviet Union was nearing its final resting place.

As General Secretary of the Communist Party, Gorbachev was tethered to the dictates of that ideology even while as President of the Soviet Union he attempted to institute market reforms (glasnost, perestroika) on the margins because he understood that the Soviet political-economic system as constituted was unsustainable. History reconciled that incongruity for Gorbachev.

I anticipate a similar fate for Senator Meeks and the Chicago Public Schools.

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Proft, Kelley Square-Off on Presidential Politics on Fox Chicago Sunday

On Sunday, I squared off with the inimitable Cliff Kelley, afternoon radio talk show host for WVON, on Fox Chicago Sunday, for a brief discussion about Sen. Barack Obama's European vacation, the media coverage of it, and the McCain campaign's reaction to it.

Take a look.

--DP

http://youtube.com/watch?v=e75CgUP6Ylc

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McCain's Opportunity to Provide a "Change We Can Believe In"

During his address at the 99th annual NAACP Convention earlier this month, U.S. Sen. John McCain had an opportunity to make education reform a key issue in this year's presidential campaign. But, to paraphrase the immortal Don Adams (aka Maxwell Smart), McCain "missed it by that much."

McCain correctly fingered the fundamental hurdle to education reform when he said, "When a public school fails ... parents ask only for a choice in the education of their children ... No entrenched bureaucracy or union should deny parents that choice and children that opportunity."

However, he fell short on delivering an adequate solution. Instead of putting forth a bold vision for education in America that addressed the reauthorization of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) and recounted the burgeoning consensus on school choice, McCain offered the standard fare about merit pay, alternative certification, and devoting a few federal shekels to develop virtual charter schools.

McCain also failed to identify the scope of the problem. As the backdrop for his remarks, McCain should have made mention of the April Associated Press report that found 17 of America's 50 largest cities had public high school graduation rates under 50 percent, with Detroit's graduation rate at a jaw-dropping less than 25 percent.

McCain may have followed up by asking rhetorically, "And who's running those school systems?" Why, U.S. Sen. Barack Obama's good friends, of course, the teachers unions and the big city mayors.

Since McCain failed to set the trap, Obama has to this point been able to get away with tepid rehashed hash when he explains to low-income families in big cities why it is fine for their children to be relegated to schools everyone knows will fail them while his own daughters attend the prestigious (and private) University of Chicago Lab Schools.

But the opportunity nevertheless remains McCain's.

In a one fell swoop, McCain can simultaneously excite his party's conservative base, put Obama on the defensive on the domestic front, and, most importantly, facilitate the needed change in education policy in this country to truly give young people in urban centers hope for their future.

A federal solution?

My fellow strict constructionists correctly argue that the U.S. Constitution provides no role for the federal government in education. That responsibility rests with the states.

However, the reality is that the federal government will spend nearly $40 billion on primary and secondary education this year--approximately 30 percent of which will be dedicated to help school districts meet the mandates under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA).

So side-stepping the constitutionality debate for a moment, here's what McCain should proffer:

1. Scrap NCLB. It was well-intended legislation designed to infuse performance standards into school systems that had eschewed all measures of accountability. However, I believe Samuel Johnson once observed where the road paved with good intentions leads. NCLB is federal cookie-cutter legislation with a plethora of unfunded mandates and too many trap doors along the pathway to true choice.

Scrapping NCLB would not only invigorate some base GOP voters, it would allow McCain to pick off Independents, particularly educators, who are similarly frustrated with NCLB albeit for different reasons.

Instead of proposing tinkering where the federal government fundamentally overreached, McCain has the chance to change the incentives that dangle at the end of the federal government's purse-strings and to make Obama look positively status quo in so doing.

2. Set up a Stafford Loan-type program for targeted elementary and high schools. Colleges and universities compete for students. We know this. We also know students can take their federal Stafford loan money and go to any school they want, public or private, which accepts such financing (which is virtually all colleges and universities). And we know America's collegiate system was, at least until recently, the envy of the world.

So why not apply this same approach to elementary and high schools?

Investing in Students, not Failing Systems

Stripping out the federal dollars for IDEA compliance leaves approximately $28 billion of the $40 billion the federal government spends on K-12 education to set up a no-interest (indexed to inflation) loan program for parents of students in failing schools.

Begin by making the money available to parents of students in schools where more than 75 percent of students test below proficiency in reading and math, according to the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) tests in 4th and 8th grades.

This way, the federal government stops investing in systems, particularly failing systems, and start investing directly in students. It also gets the federal government out of the business of being the national hall monitor for our schools, which in turn prevents the imposition of more one-size-fits-all mandates.

Since the ticket to effectively competing in our global, digital economy is no longer a high school diploma but, at minimum, a bachelor's degree, loans taken out for primary and secondary education could be deferred without interest if the student goes on to college.

Proven Response

Those who argue parents won't access such low-interest loan dollars if they are made available have not been watching the response to school choice programs in big cities where, without exception, exponentially more families apply for scholarships than there are scholarships available, even when the scholarships don't cover the full tuition costs.

In Cleveland, for instance, a family with a household income below 200 percent of the federally defined poverty line is given preference for scholarships of up to $1,875 annually. In 2002, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled Cleveland's citywide voucher program constitutional (Zelman v. Simmons-Harris), 96 percent of the 3,700 children participating in the choice program elected to attend religious schools. The scholarship amount of $1,875 does not cover the annual tuition costs at very many private or religious high schools in metropolitan areas.

But school choice is in such demand that low-income families with children in failing public schools are routinely willing to find ways to make up for any financial shortfall in order to leverage state dollars to send their children to better schools.

In Cleveland and elsewhere, they must produce the money up front. This provides useful insight into the likely response from parents if given the opportunity to instead finance (interest-free) their child's education at a school of their choosing.

Admittedly, $28 billion is not enough money to provide no-interest loans to the estimated 11.5 million children in failing public K-12 schools nationwide. However, it would represent a seismic shift in how we think about education in this country. It would also necessitate the positive system changes that inevitably come from competition for students--and the dollars that follow them.

Embarking on this bold course of action on education will not spell victory for McCain in Chicago, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, or Detroit.

But here's what it would do: it would link the GOP to the hopes and dreams low-income families have for their children, giving the GOP brand some much needed re-definition in the public's mind; it would cut into the Democrats' base voters; it would make the Democrats defend systems that are indefensible; and it would prevent millions of children from being permanently relegated to second-class citizen status in this country, the inevitable result of being forced into schools that do not educate.

Applying a modified collegiate model to the failing K-12 schools in this country would truly be "change we can believe in".
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New Illinois Jobs Numbers Point to Needed Reform: Totalitarianism

Illinois should go to a military strongman form of government.

Instead of the pretense of representative democracy, we should submit to one of those charismatic, totalitarian dictators with the Captain Kangaroo get-up who makes people disappear.

After all, isn't that what the "Chicago 9" are doing?

The Chicago 9 are the nine Chicago Democrats who live within about five squares miles of one another and who control more than $70 billion worth of government and more than 125,000 public sector jobs in Illinois.

[The 9: Daley, Blagojevich, (Lisa) Madigan, White, Hynes, Giannoulias, Jones, (Mike) Madigan, Stroger]

It was reported last week that the Chicago 9 had made more than 6,000 private sector jobs in Illinois disappear between May and June. Only four states in the nation lost more jobs during that period.

The Chicago 9 have Illinois' unemployment rate at a robust 6.8%, nearly 25% higher than the national average (5.5%), and at its highest point since June 1993.

As with your old school despots, the Chicago 9 are not fond of dissent and so over the last decade they have created more than 727,000 Illinois refugees who have sought sanctuary for their families and their pocketbooks in other states.

As a result of this mass exodus, Illinois will lose at least one Congressional seat after the electoral remap in 2010.

I say, get rid of them all. Who needs a Congressional delegation when we could have a singular Daley or Madigan or Jones or Stroger do everyone's thinking and deciding for them?

The Chicago 9 have also been quick to recognize that an educated populace is a dangerous populace. Thanks to an effective two-pronged approach consisting of an adroitly engineered brain drain that has made Illinois the 45th ranked state in the nation in terms of attracting college graduates combined with urban school systems run like Stalinist agrarian co-ops, the Chicago 9 have gloriously created the obedient population on which they may feast with impunity.

Give away some state jobs and a few party posts to the useful idiots; buy off the congenitally compliant corporate class with contracts and prestige appointments; and, Presto! no more need for pesky elections.

We Illinoisans have demonstrated the necessary masochistic tendencies to embrace spirit-crushing tyranny.

The last piece to the utopian puzzle is the consolidation of power by the member of the Chicago 9 who possesses the strongest patronage army and the willingness to don the silliest hat--no Generalissimo is complete without their gold-leaf-laden headwear.

It's time to stop tinkering around with nine potentates and get serious about living our lives under the command control of the most worthy (worthy in a "might makes right" sense, of course) Chicago Democrat.

Let's do this.
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Why Republicans in Illinois Lose, Reason No. 64,112

Reason Number 64,112 as to why Republicans in Illinois lose: opposition to their own party platform.

Here's the setup for latest skit in the Illinois GOP's long-running burlesque show:

At the quadrennial Republican State Convention in Decatur last month, Illinois Republicans adopted the following plank in their party platform, "We call on the Governor and the General Assembly to balance the state budget and provide for a responsible capital development program without resorting to the expansion of gambling..." (page 3 of the "2008 Platform", bullet point #6 for those scoring at home). That plank was proposed and ratified by Republican officeholders and party leaders from across the state.

Got that? No defaulting to gambling expansion to finance the important government responsibility of building roads and bridges in Illinois.

Fast forward to the General Assembly's posture session last week: While the Chicago Democrat junta that runs the state was doing their own vaudeville routine wherein they pretend to care about balancing the state budget, legislation was introduced to massively expand gambling--more casinos, more gambling positions, new forms of gambling--in order to fund a capital development program.

Can you see what's coming? Wait for it...

That legislation did not come close to mustering the magic number of votes for passage, but it was not for the lack of trying by House Republicans. A majority of Republicans (28 of 51 or 55%), including the House GOP Leader, voted for the gambling expansion.

By contrast, the Democrats took the GOP's platform to heart. A majority of House Democrats, including the House Speaker, voted against the gambling expansion legislation.

I am not an opponent of gambling. I was weaned on casino night at my church and, to this day, I semi-routinely venture off to Las Vegas to see the new and wonderful things on The Strip that have been built with my money. So the issue for me is not gambling expansion per se (though I think what has been proposed is a bad idea).

The issue for me is that Amy Winehouse behaves less erratically than the Illinois GOP's party leaders.

This latest about face points to the Illinois GOP's central problem. The party so lacks a core that its only semblance of an identity is the complete absence of one.

Without that core, the Illinois GOP is but a leaf in the wind, being blown hither and thither unbounded by even its own freshly adopted statement of principles.

Having apparently abandoned any effort to argue for market-oriented, private sector-focused ideas as the means to spur economic activity, the GOP's leadership reverts to George Ryan-omics: casinos and public works projects.

Rather than holding up the Chicago Democrat junta and relentlessly (and publicly) asking them to account for their ineptitude, ineptitude that is jeopardizing $6 billion in federal transportation funds set aside for Illinois because of this state's failure to come up with its federally-required 25% match, the House GOP enables the problem gamblers in charge by proposing to tie Illinois' financial future to a spinning wheel.

Until there is an intervention to break the Illinois GOP's strung-out leadership of their addiction to table scraps from Chicago Democrats at the expense of the party's stated principles, the party will suffer more embarrassing episodes of hypocrisy that translate into further humiliations on Election Day.
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Dan Proft: Firing Back at King Richard (in Self-Defense)

Chicago Mayor Richard Daley has chosen to make the gun issue personal. Okay, I'll bite.

Daley's reaction to the Supreme Court's ruling last week (D.C. v. Heller) overturning the Washington, D.C. ban on gun ownership was as predictable as it was incoherent.

In one of his signature assaults on logic, Daley, a known enemy of modern contrivances like "facts", deftly managed to completely mischaracterize the Court's holding at the same time as embarrassing the faculty at DePaul University School of Law where he somehow obtained a law degree.

"You can't carry a gun into the Supreme Court...and so why should our streets of our American cities be open to someone carrying a gun?" Daley hissed to the compliant Chicago press corps.

In fact, the Supreme Court ruled on the issue of the right to own a gun not the right to carry a gun on the streets. Although, it will come as a great surprise to Daley that 40 of the nation's 50 states have laws that do indeed allow law-abiding citizens the right to carry a weapon.

Have those 40 states and the "American cities" in those states become the "Old West" as Daley intimated would now happen to bastions of peace and tranquility like Chicago in the wake of the high court's decision?

"The rest of the world is laughing at us," said Daley.

Perhaps, Your Honor, they are just laughing at an adult who pronounces the number 3, "tree"?

And who pray tell do you think 80% of America is laughing at, themselves or a hysterical ninny who fails to see the irony in presiding over a city that bans handgun ownership and yet is routinely afflicted with the highest number of handgun-related homicides in the nation?

The plain reality is that with more than 240 million guns in private hands in America, it no more feasible to eliminate the existence of guns than it is to eliminate the existence of ill-informed politicians.

Thus, in addition to confirming the plain language of our Constitution, the Supreme Court's decision simply advanced the idea that gun ownership should not be restricted to criminals. Revolutionary it is not.

It is political bullies like Daley who demonize the law-abiding because of their inability to control the lawless. The policies driven by his political sleight-of-tongue end up costing the lives of the law-abiding.

So call me a disloyal subject, but I am not interested in entrusting my fate to King Richard. I therefore appreciate the rare victory for ordinary, law-abiding Chicagoans provided by Antonin Scalia and the other four constitutionally literate members of the Supreme Court.

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